To our way to see, this political phenomenon of the pablismo is explained by the following historical specificities:

Twenty years before Pablo and Mandel made prevail "their" ideas in the Third Congress of the IVA, the pansoviética stalinista bureaucracy broke with the ideological tradition of the marxism and eliminated the IIIa the International turning those that were their diverse national sections in strap of trasmisión of the foreign policy of the USSR. For it it had to prevent all internal dissidence, so that the political differences in the Communist Parties worldwide were solved without discussion, that is to say, imposing by via directly organizational - that went from the simplest administrative reprimand to crimén politician the unique thought of the different national directions disciplined to the directors from Moscow.
The Great Depression of the Thirties had induced from a fifty qualitative change in the forms of operation of the social work at world-wide level. The fights of the working class during years twenty and thirty, had demonstrated that the clasicos mechanisms of adjustment (elevation of the unemployment and reduction of wages), that until then invariably accompanied the periodic crises by devaluation of the capital, no longer were possible, because the working fights prevented the flexibility of the wages to the loss. The barbarism of the fascismo and the genocide of World War II, were contraparte political exact of the power of the working class and definitive the historical failure of the doctrine of the "laissez faire". One of the main objective functions of these new forms of operation, was to allow that all the sources of an increase of the rate of capital gain flowed simultaneously, combining the increase in the productivity and the intensity of the work, with a reduction in the real wages.
From these facts and from the new material conditions determined by the rarefaction wave of postwar period, next to the revived democratic ideology it arose the ideology from the growth and the total use. On these two horses it within the framework rode the new strategy of control of the fights of the workers of the law of the value, conditioning the demand by greater wages to the increases of the productivity. The policy of agreements was implemented separately and with state arbitration, discriminating wage against the workers of the branches of smaller organic composition of the capital, whereas to the interior of each company, the differentiation policy was executed combining the allocation of different wages according to certain jobs, with the permanent rotation of the personnel as a "sanction-compensates". This policy of wage difenciación was a norm of common behavior of the international bourgeoisie, as much in the imperialistic metropolis as in the dependent countries of average development. It lead to a greater hierarchial structuring and division of the labor movement according to the degrees of qualification in the work. Such strategy would come complemented by tending measures of fiscal monetary policy and to guarantee the balance between the able to be capitalized capital gain and the effective accumulation. It was the keynesianismo. The political backward movement of the working class European tax by the ascent of the fascismo and the war, prepared the objective conditions for a resetting of the rate of gain in a process of productive absorption of the reserve army reserves. The "successful Keynsian answer to crisis"-first in the U.S.A. with the development of its warlike industry immediately previous to the war; later in Europe with the defeat of the popular fronts by the Marshall- Plan they must be seen in the context of this drastic modification in the conditions of operation of proletariado in the main imperialistic countries respect to years twenty.
Like product of the historical synthesis between the paralysis of all discussion to the interior of the labor movement politically organized and the expansive long wave of the Capitalism of second post world war, the task of theoretical formation and debates of the political problems of the labor movement was transferred to the ideological apparatuses of the international bourgeoisie. This had special incidence in the countries highly desarrrolados and of average development, where, by exigency of the development of the productive force of the work in the new frame of the expansive capitalist accumulation of post war, superior technical education - incluídas the techniques of social control they stopped being something only accessible to a relative social minority and the deprived universities of elites lost strategic importance forehead to the public univeridades of masses. By less not weighed, the fact to eliminate all political dissidence and theoretical discussion the reconverted interior of the PC, has stopped being one of the most valuable services than the stalinista bureaucracy offered in tray to the international bourgeoisie.
Thus it was how in the universities of the system, the thought of Marx was raw material for the manufacture of an ideological by-product called "neomarxism". The task main of this ideological trasmutación was mainly the responsibility of the schools American and European of marxism with seat in the universities of Harvard and Frankfurt respectively, first founded by Sweezy in collaboration with Baran, second by Pollock and adláteres like Horkheimer, Adorno and Marcuse. From the Fifties to today, mainly to instances of the neomarxism, the universities of the system were the only substantial source in which they throughout the world watered all the parties of "the left" call with influence of working masses. And of course that to this influence has not saved the IVA the International. In fact, the Pablismo was a political by-product of bourgeois theses about the tried definitive integration of the proletariado one in the capitalist system: the school of Harvard theorizing on the hypothetical economic capacity of the monopolistic bourgeoisie to guarantee the production of the plusvalor without continuity solution; the one of Frankfort pontificando on the not less presumed absolute impossibility beyond which the subordinate classes in the monopolistic stage of Capitalism can politically go "the tyranny of the technological rationality", power that - according to it seems the pablistas made extensive to the stalinista Soviet system. Otherwise they had not been able to explain the proposal to replace dialectic the international between bourgeoisie and proletariado by the global contradiction between the USA and USSR.
May 2001

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