In our work on the crises of Capitalism, we have said that, with the development of the productive forces and the consequent irreversible increase of the organic composition of the capital, it arrives a little while from the process in which the phenomenon becomes inevitable of the historical supersaturation of capital. The logical one is the following one: According to the accumulation progresses, the mass of capital in functions and the social wealth that ends at each crisis is naturally greater. Therefore, greater it will successively have to be the increase in the rate of gain when coming out of each crisis, that it justifies economically I refund of that excedentario capital to the producing apparatus of plusvalor. But dice the irreversible development of the productive forces, Capitalism leaves each crisis necessarily to operate in the following one with corelative an historical increase in the organic composition of the capital. This way, the system must arrive inevitably at a cycle, in which the rate of gain cannot raise the sufficient thing like compensating all the pulsvalor expelled in the previous cycle, that thus is left the condemned to remain like "fictitious capital" outside the producing apparatus of more plusvalor.

However, since the mass of accumulated capital increases historically, the fictitious capital will be also necessarily greater according to progresses the accumulation between a cycle and the following one. And as under Capitalism it cannot have work without capital, this chronic inactive or excedentario capital, has its corresponding social costory in the historical increase of working unemployment, that thus happens also historically in structural or chronic. So it is "absolute the general law" of the capitalist accumulation that Marx formulated in the following terms:

< < the Whichever greater ones is the social wealth, the capital in functions, the volume and vigor of their growth and, therefore , also the absolute magnitude of the working population (used) and the productive force of its work , (that in Capitalism supposes an increase in the organic composition of the capital) as much greater will be the relative pluspoblación (unemployment) or industrial army of reserve. The force of work available (unemployed) is developed by the same causes that the expansive force of the capital (...) This is absolute the general law of the capitalist accumulation > > (K. Marx: "The Capital" Book I CAP XXIII. Between parenthesis he is ours)

In similar circumstances, without annulling this law, the excedentario capital can momentarily be reduced diminishing the pressure to the loss in the rate of gain, only if the bourgeoisie counts on the political possibility to incorporate to the process of accumulation average of production and subsistentes force of work outside the system, in the sense that they do not constitute direct sources of production and deprived appropriation of plusvalor. So it is the case of the state companies, as much in the capitalist countries including those of the periphery of the system, like in those of the call "real socialism".

As well it is known, from Forties ends, during the expansive long wave of postwar period, the companies of state and paraestatal property played a very important role in the economic and social development of the capitalist world. But with the particularitity of which in the periphery of the system, specially in countries of average development like Argentina, Brazil, Mexico or Chile, the call "Been of the Well-being" could be possible straddling a powerful anti-imperialist national movement in which they were it more or less actively jeopardize hundreds of million people. That great part of these companies now has been executed in benefit of the private capitalist accumulation, from the economic point of view is only explained by the objective necessity to above give to productive application to the billonaria mass of fictitious capital or supérfluo determined by the general law of the exposed capitalist accumulation. And here the question fits: Could this salary happened in countries like Argentina or Chile without mediating the dirty work of dictatorships like those of Videla and Pinochet? Since the main beneficiaries of this privatrizador process are the countries of the imperialistic chain - very specially Spain in Latin America only the political stupidity or the complicity can induce to such ignore the direct implication of the States of the imperialistic chain in all this barbarism that today are in charge cynically to judge in the person of the main executors, that at their moment instigaron from the shades of the secret diplomacy.

Once by express mandate of the law of the value, the dictatorships fulfilled their assignment to squash militarily to the anti-imperialist movements that they prevented "to release" of the property to the States industralists in the suburbs of the system, it was come to the systematic execution of the process of privatization in two stages. In first, the patrimony of the companies of state property was object of distribution and more or less fraudulent co-participation, between intimately tie local personeros to the totalitarian state bureaucracy possibly in charge of the governments in the dependent countries. The second stage, carried out by the imperialistic capital, consisted of giving fulfillment to the dialectic one between amount and quality, according to which, the mass of capital inverted in a company increases until reaching the measurement that turns it dominant.

This second privatizadora stage in countries economically employees like Chile, was and is in the objective logic of the external indebtedness product of the unequal development between the center and the capitalist periphery during the long wave of slow growth, that from the Seventies has been cornering to the fiscal policies of the dependent countries in this line of "solutions", which has given pábulo to the local corruptions, and occasion to the mating of a handful of potentados Latin American in the lists of billonarios of Forbes.

Of course, richest of all, Slim, that using its friendship with President Salinas of Mexico adjudged Telmex. Or holdings of Chile (Enersis, Matte, Cruzat, Luksic) that was generated and grown from their collaboration with the dictatorship of Pinochet. Always, in Argentina, in Bolivia, in Peru, the privatizador system was a scandal. But a supported scandal; by those who but by their usufructuarios of last instance, the imperialistic ones?

Those auspices of "healthy" privatization appear gathered in a document drafted by "associated" Peruvian agents to the imperialistic capital:

"to count on the political will and to have plenary session support of the President of the Republic.
To create the conditions so that the process is carried out with the due speed.
The medium yield to and long term of the companies to be privatized, its operational recovery is due to consider and fast growth.
to attract foreign investment.
The originating income of the privatization could only be destined to the payment of the external national debt... "
To this it would be necessary to add an advice of Sela: that the goods are supplied to very low prices to stimulate the interest of the purchasers. "the prices have to be the sufficiently low thing to guarantee the demand, the total subscription and the distribution of the property... also the government can sell participation by stages, and at the beginning with supplies of small lots of actions and greater discounts. With time, as is the commitment of the government and increases the confidence of the deprived sector, a greater percentage is offered and the discounts are reduced."

The privatizador process has given to origin to enormous local fortunes the "transnational company" Argentine Bunge specialized in foods; Villares, of Brazil, that has branchs in the U.S.A. and Europe, specializes in vertical transport. Luksic, of Chile, counts on a strong banking nucleus (also fruit of privatizations) that is joined to its mining activities or of another order. In this same country, the group commanded by the Yuraszek industralist, in one decade managed to multiply in more than 57 times its patrimony gerstionando the business of the electrical distribution of enegía through the Enersis company, turned at the moment the bigger private company of Latin America in the branch, with potential a consuming population of 37 million people.

This local presence between the favored ones in the privatizations, was combined with the transnational capitalist sector. It is worth the trouble to indicate that they grtan Spanish bourgeoisie almost invests 90% to it of his capital in the outside of the country, to the purchase of companies in this situation in Latin America, through operations that are looked much like Reconquista. But also great capitals of the United Kingdom are pawned there, of France, Switzerland, Germany, and obvious of the U.S.A.. These operations of appropriation deprived of the state companies gear in the speculative space with the leftover or fictitious capital in search of direct sources of production of plusvalor within the productive apparatus of the system, through the opening in the Latin American bags of the sale of derived values (future, debts, etc.).

The "privatization" also called "capitalization" of the external debt in places like Bolivia or the Caribbean, sister with an ample desnacionalizador movement that is appraised more clearly in the delivery of the oil resources in all the continent. YPF, YPFB, PETROBRAS, PEMEX... are expressions common in this process of reconquers imperial. A situation that worsens by the superoperation of those resources, with consequences that will not take in seeing as suicidal.

The privatizations not only affect to the infrastructure or other businesses. They are more recently oriented to win a central place in the systems of pensions that this way have been reoriented to become fuel of the financial system, when giving itself the savings of the workers at hands of the speculating capital. In Chile, for example, the bottoms of pensions are institutional investors in different markets from values. In Mexico, on the same model they have been created accounts of retirement in a loaded financial atmosphere of bad auguries.

A caballo de la abultada deuda externa, las privatizaciones en países dependientes como Argentina o Chile constituyeron el programa central de esos gobiernos, inspirando una política que llegó al paroxismo en 1997. Toda la historia económica de los últimos veinte años en estos países estuvo signada por una alta correlación entre deuda externa, privatizaciones de las empresas estatales y empobrecimiento social absoluto. En 1975, la deuda externa (pública) latinoamericana era de 69.000 millones de U$S; en 1990 paso a ser de 443.000 millones y en 1996, de 603.000, mientras que el monto de las privatizaciones en los últimos quince años llegó a ser de 110.000 millones de U$S. En 1996, América Latina acumuló el 17% del total mundial en materia de privatizaciones, por un total de 15.000 millones de U$S. Una suma que creció todavía más en 1997 (probablemente sobre los 25.000 millones). Según la Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL), en 1990 había en esta región 197.200.000 pobres; cuatro años después esta cifra había crecido hasta alcanzar los 210 millones de personas.